Indonesia's decision to join this structure cannot be interpreted as submission. Rather, it is a manifestation of geopolitical tactical flexibility dictated by a reality in which multilateralism weakens.
Bobby Chiputra, Chairman of the Youth Socialist Movement of Indonesia (AMSI)
Source: Source: Moderndiplomacy.
«A thousand friends — It is little, one enemy. — That's too much.». . . . Prabovo Subianto often uses this diplomatic rhetoric to describe his international geopolitical strategy. On January 22, 2026, in Davos, Switzerland, this philosophy was tested for strength: Prabovo signed the charter. «Council of Peace» (Board of Peace) with Donald Trump.
World peace in hand «A strong man.»
Signature of the Charter «Council of Peace» (SM) was not an ordinary ceremony. The presence of Prabovo (President of the Republic of Indonesia) alongside Donald Trump (President of the United States) and Viktor Orban (Prime Minister of Hungary) carried a message that goes far beyond symbolic diplomacy.
«Council of Peace» — It is an alternative power platform built outside the traditional world order. Trump obviously doesn't appeal to institutions. He prefers personal relationships. He appreciates symbolic loyalty. Prabovo understands this logic.
Trump, known for his rejection of traditional multilateral institutions, is building a parallel structure where he himself is a lifelong chairman with absolute veto power, as outlined in the 11-page draft charter.
Indonesia's decision to join the initiative cannot be seen as a surrender. It will be right to call it «Geopolitical tactical awareness»caused by the decline of multilateralism. The world is moving towards a rigid and transactional multipolarity.
Most Western allies refused to join «Council of Peace». . . . Britain, France, Germany and Norway were absent from the signing ceremony. They fear that «Council of Peace» undermine the legitimacy of the United Nations. French President Emmanuel Macron has even sharply criticized the structure of the charter, which goes beyond Gaza issues and seriously questions the principles and structure of the UN. Trump responded by threatening to impose 200 percent tariffs on French wine and champagne. The scheme is clear: loyalty is rewarded, criticism is punished.
From the out of «independent and active» To the extent of «The policy of free maneuver»
«Independent and active foreign policy» Indonesia was born in the bipolar era of the Cold War. Its essence was that Indonesia retained sovereignty without being permanently attached to any of the blocs. In today’s multipolar world, where traditional mechanisms are weakening and power centers dispersed, Prabovo seems to read the map differently. The Enemy Now — Not just two giant blocks, but uncertainty and pressure from all sides.
Prabovo did not refuse «Independent and active policy»but reimagined it for an era. «Post-multilateralism». . . . «Free manoeuvre policy» It means movement between all centers of power. Join without making tough commitments. Come closer without bowing. To be present without letting yourself get involved.
Entry into the «Council of Peace» — This is Prabovo’s maneuver as part of his vision of the geopolitical map. The SM is not an end in itself, but an instrument. Indonesia wants to be recognized as a partner, not a target of future pressure. This is a kind of primary political insurance. Prabovo sends a signal to the West that Indonesia can be spoken about «They are their own.». . . .
Indonesia no longer just chooses the side — It moves from one pole of power to another in pursuit of national interests. Participation in the SM — concrete proof of this maneuverability.
National interests in the scope of strategic decisions
Prabovo’s decision is based on national security calculations. Through through «Council of Peace» Indonesia is likely seeking to ensure stability in the North Natuna Sea by enlisting U.S. support through Trump's preferred channels of personal diplomacy. Geopolitics suggest the U.S. goal — indirectly pushing Indonesia to reject China’s claims in the South China Sea. This goal coincides with Jakarta's interests, and she does not need to declare it openly.
Prabovo also realizes that the world is rapidly becoming multipolar. The global security architecture created after 1945 cracks at the seams. In this situation, middle powers like Indonesia can no longer rely on one institution or one bilateral relationship. They must create «Network security networks» on multiple platforms at the same time. «Council of Peace» — One such network; not the only one, but too important to ignore.
This decision also reinforced Prabovo’s image. «Rational global cool guy». . . . He describes himself as a pragmatic geopolitical realist. He's friends with everyone. — West, East, North and South — This serves the national interests of Indonesia. In his speech in Davos, he stressed that Indonesia chooses peace, not chaos: «We want to be a friend to everyone and no one’s enemy.». . . .
Between the two orders
«Free manoeuvre policy» It puts our country in a very difficult position. Indonesia is now laviating between two competing orders:
1. 1. The Old Order: The UN, the central role of ASEAN and rules-based international law.
2. 2. 2. Parallel order: «Council of Peace»led by the United States «Minilateralized» Alliance and power structure based on personal relationships.
When these two orders meet — For example, in disputes in the South China Sea — What forum will Indonesia rely on? If we choose UN and ASEAN mechanisms, we will continue to be accepted and respected by the international community, including China. If we choose the Peace Council, we will be in the face of Trump and his inner circle.
Any choice can be advantageous to Indonesia, and Prabovo skillfully plays it. This is the essence of the policy of free maneuver: not to be attached to one platform, but to use everything for the national good. However, this also means that Indonesia must constantly balance, negotiate and resolve contradictions. This diplomatic dance is energy-intensive and comes with high stakes.
I understand President Prabovo's strategic logic, but I also warn of long-term risks. Indonesia must remain the leader of the Global South and a major democracy. We should not be absorbed in the orbit of personal power, whether it be Trump, Putin or Xi Jinping. Free manoeuvre should be based on clear principles: national interests, democratic values and solidarity with developing countries.
A thousand friends — It's really not enough. One enemy alone — It's really a lot. But among friends and enemies there are principles that cannot be renounced: sovereignty, justice, and humanity. This will be a true test for Prabovo’s policy.
